More
than 30 years ago, when he was still a builder in Manhattan, Donald Trump said
he had one
great ambition: He wanted then-U.S. President Ronald Reagan to
appoint him America’s envoy to Moscow to negotiate a nuclear arms deal. “It’ll
take one hour of discussion before the Cold War is over,” Trump was said to have boasted at the time.
Plainly, the Trumpian grandiosity was
always there, but what happened to the ambition? Now that he’s president, Trump
doesn’t need to wait for an appointment to try his hand at nuclear negotiation.
Only last year the president called nuclear
weapons “the biggest problem in the world.” And yet Trump has barely mentioned
the issue while his administration announced Friday it is pulling out of the
three-decade-old Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty and is possibly
setting its sights on former President Barack Obama’s 2011 New START treaty,
the strategic arms reduction pact that will expire about two weeks into the
next presidential term if it isn’t extended. Negotiations on such an extension
would need to begin soon.
Trump has always yearned for the big deal, and he’s demonstrated that he’s not fond of any
treaty he didn’t negotiate himself, especially if it was Obama’s doing. Trump
pulled out of Obama’s Iran nuclear deal, Paris climate pact, and Trans-Pacific
Partnership, and he replaced former President Bill Clinton’s NAFTA trade deal
with the slightly retooled U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement, even though the
not-yet-confirmed accord retains most of the provisions of the original one.
But the nuclear arms arena is
especially wide open and ripe for fresh presidential negotiation, many nuclear
experts say. While some lament the likely demise of the INF pact—having served
notice, Washington now has six months to formally withdraw—they also
acknowledge that to some extent the treaty was based on outdated threats and
technology. And they say Trump could, at long last, put his own stamp on
nuclear arms negotiations in this new era.
“I would tell the president that,
given the decision on INF, there’s an opportunity here not only to preserve New
START but to make your own groundbreaking agreement with [Russian President
Vladimir] Putin,” said Lynn Rusten, who served as senior director for arms
control on Obama’s National Security Council. “And you can do it relatively
easily and quickly by extending New START. You don’t need new underlying
verification and inspection procedures. You can just build on it.”
In contrast to the INF Treaty, which
Washington has accused Russia of violating for years, the Trump administration
has not questioned whether Putin is adequately observing the New START treaty.
There may be several reasons why Trump
is not moving ahead on nuclear weapons negotiations, despite his long-ago
ambitions. One, they are notably difficult and abstruse, and Trump is not known
as a details person (though the same reputation did not stop Reagan, who signed
the INF Treaty in 1987). Second, Trump has purged his administration of
moderate internationalists who tend to favor diplomacy—with Defense Secretary
James Mattis and Chief of Staff John Kelly the most recent departures. His
ultra-hawkish national security advisor, John Bolton, has long inveighed
against both the INF and New START treaties.
But the main reason may have more to
do with the multiple investigations into Trump’s Russia ties, especially
special counsel Robert Mueller’s probe into the 2016 Trump campaign’s possible
collusion with Moscow. Last July, shortly before Trump flew to Helsinki for his
first summit with Putin, he was asked by reporters what he hoped to accomplish.
“No more nuclear weapons anywhere in the world, no more wars, no more problems,
no more conflicts,” he declared.
Trump also said he thought he and Putin would have “an extraordinary
relationship.”
The summit, however, was widely deemed
a political disaster for Trump, and it was perhaps the last time the president
spoke in such positive terms of his relationship with the Russian leader. At
the summit, Trump fumbled by appearing to accept Putin’s denials of
interference in the 2016 election over the findings of his own U.S.
intelligence agencies, and since then the president has been hemmed in by
almost constant questions in the media about whether he has been compromised by
Putin and Russian intelligence—financially, sexually, or in some other way. The
FBI at one point even opened up an
investigation into whether Trump was a Russian
counterintelligence asset. At the G-20 summit in Argentina in November 2018,
Trump felt pressured to cancel his one-on-one with Putin (though he later held
an “informal” meeting, the White House said, at which once again no official
note-takers were reportedly present).
The oddity of Trump’s furtive
relations with Putin under the shadow of the Russia probe is that he had
previously said one of his goals as president was to dramatically improve
relations with Moscow. And shortly before the Helsinki summit, Trump said he planned to discuss nuclear arms reduction with
Putin.
“If we can do something to
substantially reduce them, I mean, ideally get rid of them, maybe that’s a
dream, but certainly it’s a subject that I’ll be bringing up with him,” Trump said.
“The proliferation is a tremendous, I mean, to me, it’s the biggest problem in
the world, nuclear weapons, biggest problem in the world.”

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